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Yeny Serrano - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Les allusions au conflit armé dans les discours de campagne sur Twitter traitant du plébiscite pour la paix en Colombie
Revista de estudos da linguagem, 2020Co-Authors: Yeny SerranoAbstract:Résumé : cet article analyse les discours de campagne sur Twitter traitant du plébiscite pour la paix d’octobre 2016 en Colombie. L’analyse de contenu de 1307 tweets identifie les principales stratégies en faveur et contre l’accord de paix, ainsi que la manière dont la mémoire de la guerre influence ces discours. L’approche comparative montre que la campagne pour le « Non » mobilise la population autour de la délégitimation des FARC, alors que la campagne pour le « Oui » utilise Twitter essentiellement pour annoncer des événements de campagne. Les allusions au conflit armé, plus fréquentes dans les tweets contre l’accord de paix, contribuent à (re)construire la mémoire collective du conflit en évoquant principalement les faits de guerre dont sont responsables les adversaires. Ainsi, la campagne pour le plébiscite s’inscrit dans la continuité des discours de guerre propres à la période de confrontation armée qui ne favorisent pas le projet de construction de la paix.Mots-clés : Colombie ; processus de paix ; Twitter ; stratégie discursive ; allusions.Abstract: this paper examines how the memory of the war influenced the campaigning for the October 2016 peace Plebiscite in Colombia. By analyzing 1307 tweets, the study identifies key strategies carried out by supporters and opponents of the peace agreement. This comparative approach shows that the “No” campaign mobilized the public around the delegitimization of the FARC guerilla, while the “Yes” campaign used Twitter essentially to announce campaign events. Allusions to the armed conflict were more frequent in the tweets against the peace agreement. They contributed to (re)writing the collective memory of the conflict by referring mainly to the facts for which the adversaries were responsible. The campaign for the Plebiscite was a continuation of the war discourses specific to the period of armed confrontation. The conclusion highlights the implications for the peacebuilding project.Keywords: Colombia; peace process; Twitter; discursive strategy, allusions.
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les allusions au conflit arme dans les discours de campagne sur twitter traitant du Plebiscite pour la paix en colombie the allusions to armed conflict in peace Plebiscite campaign discourses on twitter in colombia
Revista de Estudos da Linguagem, 2020Co-Authors: Yeny SerranoAbstract:Resume : cet article analyse les discours de campagne sur Twitter traitant du Plebiscite pour la paix d’octobre 2016 en Colombie. L’analyse de contenu de 1307 tweets identifie les principales strategies en faveur et contre l’accord de paix, ainsi que la maniere dont la memoire de la guerre influence ces discours. L’approche comparative montre que la campagne pour le « Non » mobilise la population autour de la delegitimation des FARC, alors que la campagne pour le « Oui » utilise Twitter essentiellement pour annoncer des evenements de campagne. Les allusions au conflit arme, plus frequentes dans les tweets contre l’accord de paix, contribuent a (re)construire la memoire collective du conflit en evoquant principalement les faits de guerre dont sont responsables les adversaires. Ainsi, la campagne pour le Plebiscite s’inscrit dans la continuite des discours de guerre propres a la periode de confrontation armee qui ne favorisent pas le projet de construction de la paix. Mots-cles : Colombie ; processus de paix ; Twitter ; strategie discursive ; allusions. Abstract: this paper examines how the memory of the war influenced the campaigning for the October 2016 peace Plebiscite in Colombia. By analyzing 1307 tweets, the study identifies key strategies carried out by supporters and opponents of the peace agreement. This comparative approach shows that the “No” campaign mobilized the public around the delegitimization of the FARC guerilla, while the “Yes” campaign used Twitter essentially to announce campaign events. Allusions to the armed conflict were more frequent in the tweets against the peace agreement. They contributed to (re)writing the collective memory of the conflict by referring mainly to the facts for which the adversaries were responsible. The campaign for the Plebiscite was a continuation of the war discourses specific to the period of armed confrontation. The conclusion highlights the implications for the peacebuilding project. Keywords: Colombia; peace process; Twitter; discursive strategy, allusions.
Vasja Vehovar - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Handling “Don't Know” Survey Responses: The Case of the Slovenian Plebiscite
Journal of the American Statistical Association, 1995Co-Authors: Donald B. Rubin, Hal S. Stern, Vasja VehovarAbstract:Abstract The critical step in the drive toward an independent Slovenia was the Plebiscite held in December 1990, at which the citizens of Slovenia voted overwhelmingly in favor of a sovereign and independent state. The Slovenian Public Opinion (SPO) survey of November/December 1990 was used by the government of Slovenia to prepare for the Plebiscite. Because the Plebiscite counted as “YES voters” only those voters who attended and voted for independence (nonvoters counted as “NO voters”), “Don't Know” survey responses can be thought of as missing data—the true intention of the voter is unknown but must be either “YES” or “NO.” An analysis of the survey data under the missing-at-random assumption for the missing responses provides remarkably accurate estimates of the eventual Plebiscite outcome, substantially better than ad hoc methods and a nonignorable model that allows nonresponse to depend on the intended vote.
Fiona Macphail - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The town that said “No” to the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline: The Kitimat Plebiscite of 2014
The Extractive Industries and Society, 2017Co-Authors: Paul Bowles, Fiona MacphailAbstract:Abstract In April 2014 the residents of the district of Kitimat in northwest British Columbia voted in a Plebiscite to oppose the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline designed to transport bitumen from Canada’s oil sands to the west coast for export to Asia. This was remarkable for two reasons. Firstly, exercising direct democracy through the holding a Plebiscite is a rare event in Canada, even more so for a project over which the district actually has no jurisdiction even though Kitimat is the proposed pipeline's terminus. Secondly, the planned industrial town, built in the 1950s to support Alcan's smelting operations, has historically been a “pro-industry” town. This paper examines (i) how Kitimat became the only community on the proposed pipeline route to hold a Plebiscite; (ii) how a small, local NGO opposed, and defeated, the world's largest oil pipeline company in the Plebiscite; and (iii) the implications of this case for our understanding of scale and jurisdiction.
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the town that said no to the enbridge northern gateway pipeline the kitimat Plebiscite of 2014
The Extractive Industries and Society, 2017Co-Authors: Paul Bowles, Fiona MacphailAbstract:Abstract In April 2014 the residents of the district of Kitimat in northwest British Columbia voted in a Plebiscite to oppose the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline designed to transport bitumen from Canada’s oil sands to the west coast for export to Asia. This was remarkable for two reasons. Firstly, exercising direct democracy through the holding a Plebiscite is a rare event in Canada, even more so for a project over which the district actually has no jurisdiction even though Kitimat is the proposed pipeline's terminus. Secondly, the planned industrial town, built in the 1950s to support Alcan's smelting operations, has historically been a “pro-industry” town. This paper examines (i) how Kitimat became the only community on the proposed pipeline route to hold a Plebiscite; (ii) how a small, local NGO opposed, and defeated, the world's largest oil pipeline company in the Plebiscite; and (iii) the implications of this case for our understanding of scale and jurisdiction.
John Stone - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Consensus planning in transport: The case of Vancouver's transportation Plebiscite
Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 2019Co-Authors: Crystal Legacy, John StoneAbstract:Abstract In 2015, a Plebiscite was held on a new source of funding to support the expansion of the transit network in the Lower Mainland of Vancouver. Thus, in a region that has achieved admirable results over several decades through a strategic planning system based on a consensus model, civic leaders were forced to step outside this model to argue the case for a 0.5% increase to a local goods and service tax. This pitted a ‘no new tax’ grouping against a Better Transit and Transportation Coalition which brought supporters from across the community including from business, the unions, the environmental sector and students in support of the ‘yes’ case and the package of works crafted by consensus among municipal leaders. In this paper, we draw on in-depth key informant interviews with transportation and land use planners, municipal politicians and individuals involved in the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ campaigns built around the 2015 transport Plebiscite. We show how the Plebiscite was framed and how a critical component of Vancouver’s planning ethos – consensus decision-making – catalysed the formation of the coalition of ‘yes’ campaign supporters. Despite its defeat, this coalition remained persistent and unified in their support for the development of a new funding stream and for the continued expansion of transit infrastructure across the Lower Mainland. The paper draws lessons from the transit Plebiscite and how its outcome highlight the unique role that consensus planning can play in achieving progressive outcomes to politically vexing questions in transport planning in Vancouver and elsewhere.
Alessandra Frota Martinez De Schueler - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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entre o mundo da casa e o espaco publico um plebiscito sobre a educacao da mulher rio de janeiro 1906 between the domestic world and the public space a Plebiscite on women s education rio de janeiro 1906
Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação, 2018Co-Authors: Irma Rizzini, Alessandra Frota Martinez De SchuelerAbstract:Partindo da analise dos processos de expansao das formas de participacao das mulheres no espaco publico e da escolarizacao feminina na cidade do Rio de Janeiro das ultimas decadas do seculo XIX, este artigo e fruto de uma investigacao sobre o plebiscito realizado em 1906 pelo jornal de circulacao diaria, O Paiz, sobre a educacao da mulher e os generos de trabalho que ela poderia exercer “sem decair”. Durante o mes de abril de 1906, cartas, supostamente escritas por leitores e leitoras, foram publicadas na coluna “Como deve ser educada a mulher”. A abordagem esta centrada nas contribuicoes da historia das mulheres com base na perspectiva da construcao social das relacoes de genero, flexionando-as no plural e conjugando-as a partir de uma perspectiva relacional. Verificou-se, pelos textos das cartas, a polissemia da expressao “emancipacao da mulher” no periodo, sendo necessario atentar para os seus varios sentidos. O exercicio do magisterio e o ponto de consenso entre os participantes do plebiscito, tendo em vista a “tradicao inventada” no seculo XIX da associacao do ensino de criancas a uma suposta natureza feminina, uma construcao que poucas participantes ousaram contestar nas cartas. O acesso a imprensa possibilitou a manifestacao de alguns dos anseios quanto as posicoes ocupadas por mulheres naquela sociedade, sobretudo as letradas, que vislumbravam na educacao a possibilidade de obter autonomia, reconhecimento e ascensao profissional. * * * Based on the analysis of the processes of expansion of women’s participation in public space and feminine schooling in the city of Rio de Janeiro during the last decades of the nineteenth century, this article is the result of an investigation on a Plebiscite conducted in 1906 by the daily newspaper, O Paiz, about women’s education and the labor genres that they could perform “without decadence”. During the month of April, 1906, letters, allegedly written by readers, were published in the column “How Women Should Be Educated”. The approach focuses on the contributions of women’s history based on the perspective of social construction of gender relations, using them in plural form and from a relational perspective. The polysemy of the expression “emancipation of women” in the period was verified by the texts contained in the letters, and it was necessary to pay attention to their several meanings. The exercise of teaching is a point of consensus among participants in the Plebiscite, considering the nineteenth-century “invented tradition” related to the association between teaching children and an alleged feminine nature, a construction that few participants dared to challenge in the letters. The access to the daily press made it possible to express some of the anxieties about the positions occupied by women in that society, particularly those who were literate and saw education as a possibility of obtaining autonomy, recognition and professional ascension.