Racial Classification

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Edward E Telles - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • who is black white or mixed race how skin color status and nation shape Racial Classification in latin america
    American Journal of Sociology, 2014
    Co-Authors: Edward E Telles, Tianna S Paschel
    Abstract:

    Comparative research on Racial Classification has often turned to Latin America, where race is thought to be particularly fluid. Using nationally representative data from the 2010 and 2012 America’s Barometer survey, the authors examine patterns of self-identification in four countries. National differences in the relation between skin color, socioeconomic status, and race were found. Skin color predicts race closely in Panama but loosely in the Dominican Republic. Moreover, despite the dominant belief that money whitens, the authors discover that status polarizes (Brazil), mestizoizes (Colombia), darkens (Dominican Republic), or has no effect (Panama). The results show that race is both physical and cultural, with country variations in Racial schema that reflect specific historical and political trajectories.

  • does it matter who answers the race question Racial Classification and income inequality in brazil
    Demography, 1998
    Co-Authors: Edward E Telles, Nelson Lim
    Abstract:

    Previous studies ofRacial inequality have relied on official statistics that presumably use self-Classification of race. Using novel data from a 1995 national survey in Brazil, we find that the estimates of Racial income inequality based on self-Classification are lower than those based on interviewer Classification. After human capital and labor market controls, whites earn 26% more than browns with interviewer Classification but earn only 17% more than browns with self-Classification. Black-brown differences hardly change: Blacks earn 13% and 12% less than browns with interviewer Classification and self-Classification, respectively. We contend that interviewer Classification of race is more appropriate because analysts of Racial inequality are interested in the effects of Racial discrimination, which depends on how others classify one's race.

Scott C Chapman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • an assessment of the genetic relationship between sweet and grain sorghums within sorghum bicolor ssp bicolor l moench using aflp markers
    Euphytica, 2007
    Co-Authors: Kimberley B Ritter, Lynne C Mcintyre, I D Godwin, David Jordan, Scott C Chapman
    Abstract:

    Compared to grain sorghums, sweet sorghums typically have lower grain yield and thick, tall stalks which accumulate high levels of sugar (sucrose, fructose and glucose). Unlike commercial grain sorghum (S. bicolor ssp. bicolor) cultivars, which are usually F1 hybrids, commercial sweet sorghums were selected as wild accessions or have undergone limited plant breeding. Although all sweet sorghums are classified within S. bicolor ssp. bicolor, their genetic relationship with grain sorghums is yet to be investigated. Ninety-five genotypes, including 31 sweet sorghums and 64 grain sorghums, representing all five races within the subspecies bicolor, were screened with 277 polymorphic amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) markers. Cluster analysis separated older sweet sorghum accessions (collected in mid 1800s) from those developed and released during the early to mid 1900s. These groups were emphasised in a principle component analysis of the results such that sweet sorghum lines were largely distinguished from the others, particularly by a group of markers located on sorghum chromosomes SBI-08 and SBI-10. Other studies have shown that QTL and ESTs for sugar-related traits, as well as for height and anthesis, map to SBI-10. Although the clusters obtained did not group clearly on the basis of Racial Classification, the sweet sorghum lines often cluster with grain sorghums of similar Racial origin thus suggesting that sweet sorghum is of polyphyletic origin within S. bicolor ssp. bicolor

  • an assessment of the genetic relationship between sweet and grain sorghums within sorghum bicolor ssp bicolor l moench using aflp markers
    Euphytica, 2007
    Co-Authors: Kimberley B Ritter, Lynne C Mcintyre, I D Godwin, David Jordan, Scott C Chapman
    Abstract:

    Compared to grain sorghums, sweet sorghums typically have lower grain yield and thick, tall stalks which accumulate high levels of sugar (sucrose, fructose and glucose). Unlike commercial grain sorghum (S. bicolor ssp. bicolor) cultivars, which are usually F1 hybrids, commercial sweet sorghums were selected as wild accessions or have undergone limited plant breeding. Although all sweet sorghums are classified within S. bicolor ssp. bicolor, their genetic relationship with grain sorghums is yet to be investigated. Ninety-five genotypes, including 31 sweet sorghums and 64 grain sorghums, representing all five races within the subspecies bicolor, were screened with 277 polymorphic amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) markers. Cluster analysis separated older sweet sorghum accessions (collected in mid 1800s) from those developed and released during the early to mid 1900s. These groups were emphasised in a principle component analysis of the results such that sweet sorghum lines were largely distinguished from the others, particularly by a group of markers located on sorghum chromosomes SBI-08 and SBI-10. Other studies have shown that QTL and ESTs for sugar-related traits, as well as for height and anthesis, map to SBI-10. Although the clusters obtained did not group clearly on the basis of Racial Classification, the sweet sorghum lines often cluster with grain sorghums of similar Racial origin thus suggesting that sweet sorghum is of polyphyletic origin within S. bicolor ssp. bicolor

Elizabeth Anderson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • integration affirmative action and strict scrutiny
    New York University Law Review, 2003
    Co-Authors: Elizabeth Anderson
    Abstract:

    This Article defends Racial integration as a central goal of race-based affirmative action. Racial integration of mainstream institutions is necessary both to dismantle the current barriers to opportunity suffered by disadvantaged Racial groups, and to create a democratic civil society. Integration, conceived as a forward-looking remedy for de facto Racial segregation and discrimination, makes better sense of the actual practice of affirmative action than backward-looking compensatory rationales, which offer restitution for past discrimination, and diversity rationales, which claim to promote nonremedial educational goals. Integrative rationales for affirmative action in higher education could also easily pass equal protection analysis, if only the point of strict scrutiny of Racial Classifications were understood. Unfortunately, the development of strict scrutiny as an analytical tool has been hampered by the Court's confusion over the kinds of constitutional harm threatened by state uses of Racial Classification. This Article sorts out these alleged harms and shows how strict scrutiny should deal with them. It shows how the narrow tailoring tests constitute powerful tools for putting many allegations of constitutional harm from race-based affirmative action to rest, and for putting the rest into perspective. It also argues that there is no constitutional or moral basis for prohibiting state uses of Racial means to remedy private sector discrimination. Integrative affirmative action programs in educational contexts, which aim to remedy private sector discrimination, can therefore meet the requirements of strict scrutiny, properly interpreted.

Tianna S Paschel - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • who is black white or mixed race how skin color status and nation shape Racial Classification in latin america
    American Journal of Sociology, 2014
    Co-Authors: Edward E Telles, Tianna S Paschel
    Abstract:

    Comparative research on Racial Classification has often turned to Latin America, where race is thought to be particularly fluid. Using nationally representative data from the 2010 and 2012 America’s Barometer survey, the authors examine patterns of self-identification in four countries. National differences in the relation between skin color, socioeconomic status, and race were found. Skin color predicts race closely in Panama but loosely in the Dominican Republic. Moreover, despite the dominant belief that money whitens, the authors discover that status polarizes (Brazil), mestizoizes (Colombia), darkens (Dominican Republic), or has no effect (Panama). The results show that race is both physical and cultural, with country variations in Racial schema that reflect specific historical and political trajectories.

Estela M L Aquino - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Context-dependence of race self-Classification: Results from a highly mixed and unequal middle-income country
    2019
    Co-Authors: Dóra Chor, Estela M L Aquino, Alexandre Pereira, Antonio G. Pacheco, Ricardo V. Santos, Maria J. M. Fonseca, Maria I. Schmidt, Bruce B. Duncan, Sandhi M. Barreto, José G. Mill
    Abstract:

    Ethnic-Racial Classification criteria are widely recognized to vary according to historical, cultural and political contexts. In Brazil, the strong influence of individual socio-economic factors on race/colour self-Classification is well known. With the expansion of genomic technologies, the use of genomic ancestry has been suggested as a substitute for Classification procedures such as self-declaring race, as if they represented the same concept. We investigated the association between genomic ancestry, the Racial composition of census tracts and individual socioeconomic factors and self-declared race/colour in a cohort of 15,105 Brazilians. Results show that the probability of self-declaring as black or brown increases according to the proportion of African ancestry and varies widely among cities. In Porto Alegre, where most of the population is white, with every 10% increase in the proportion of African ancestry, the odds of self-declaring as black increased 14 times (95%CI 6.08–32.81). In Salvador, where most of the population is black or brown, that increase was of 3.98 times (95%CI 2.96–5.35). The Racial composition of the area of residence was also associated with the probability of self-declaring as black or brown. Every 10% increase in the proportion of black and brown inhabitants in the residential census tract increased the odds of self-declaring as black by 1.33 times (95%CI 1.24–1.42). Ancestry alone does not explain self-declared race/colour. An emphasis on multiple situational contexts (both individual and collective) provides a more comprehensive framework for the study of the predictors of self-declared race/colour, a highly relevant construct in many different scenarios, such as public policy, sociology and medicine.

  • social inequality and depressive disorders in bahia brazil interactions of gender ethnicity and social class
    Social Science & Medicine, 2004
    Co-Authors: Naomar Almeidafilho, Ines Lessa, Lucelia Magalhaes, Maria Jenny Araujo, Estela M L Aquino, Sherman A James, Ichiro Kawachi
    Abstract:

    We conducted a study of the association between gender, race/ethnicity, and social class and prevalence of depressive disorders in an urban sample (N=2302) in Bahia, Brazil. Individual mental health status was assessed by the PSAD/QMPA scale. Family SES and head of household's schooling and occupation were taken as components for a 4-level social class scale. Race/ethnicity (white, moreno, mulatto, black) was assessed with a combination of self-designation and a system of Racial Classification. The overall 12-month prevalence of depressive symptoms was 12%, with a female:male ratio of 2:1. Divorced/widowed persons showed the highest prevalence and single the lowest. There was a negative correlation with education: the ratio college educated:illiterate was 4:1. This gradient was stronger for women than men. There was no F:M difference in depression among Whites, upper-middle classes, college-educated, or illiterate. Prevalence ratios for single, widowed and Blacks were well above the overall pattern. Regarding race/ethnicity, higher prevalences of depression were concentrated in the Moreno and Mulatto subgroups. There was a consistent social class and gender interaction, along all race/ethnicity strata. Three-way interaction analyses found strong gender effect for poor and working-class groups, for all race/ethnicity strata but Whites. Black poor yielded the strongest gender effect of all (up to nine-fold). We conclude that even in a highly unequal context such as Bahia, Blacks, Mulattos and women were protected from depression by placement into the local dominant classes; and that the social meaning of ethnic-gender-generation diversity varies with being unemployed or underemployed, poor or miserable, urban or rural, migrant or non-migrant.