The Experts below are selected from a list of 273 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Hermann Beck - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The Fateful Alliance: German Conservatives and Nazis in 1933: The Machtergreifung in a New Light
2008Co-Authors: Hermann BeckAbstract:On 30 January 1933, Alfred Hugenberg's conservative German National People's Party (DNVP) formed a coalition government with the Nazi Party, thus enabling Hitler to accede to the chancellorship. This book analyzes in detail the complicated relationship between Conservatives and Nazis and offers a re-interpretation of the Nazi Seizure of Power - the decisive months between 30 January and 14 July 1933. The Machtergreifung is characterized here as a period of all-pervasive violence and lawlessness with incessant conflicts between Nazis and German Nationals and Nazi attacks on the conservative Burgertum, a far cry from the traditional depiction of the takeover as a relatively bloodless, virtually sterile assumption of Power by one vast impersonal apparatus wresting control from another. The author scrutinizes the revolutionary character of the Nazi Seizure of Power, the Nazis' attacks on the conservative Burgertum and its values, and National Socialism's co-optation of conservative symbols of state Power to serve radically new goals, while addressing the issue of why the DNVP was complicit in this and paradoxically participated in eroding the foundations of its very own principles and bases of support.
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between the dictates of conscience and political expediency hitler s conservative alliance partner and antisemitism during the nazi Seizure of Power
Journal of Contemporary History, 2006Co-Authors: Hermann BeckAbstract:This article investigates the plight of German Jews during the Nazi Seizure of Power in 1933 and, in particular, how DNVP leaders and members reacted to nazi transgressions and violence. The first section reviews the existing literature, which clearly reveals the gap in our present knowledge of the DNVP's role during the Machtergreifung. The second section examines the plethora of violent attacks on Jewish-owned businesses and individual Jews following the elections of 5 March 1933 and the reaction of the German authorities. The third section highlights the DNVP's reaction to the dilemma of national-minded German Jews, a large number of whom fought for Germany in the first world war. The fourth section analyses the few cases of conservative protest and attempted help and the fifth section focuses on the more numerous cases of rejection and disapprobation. The sixth section discloses the often contradictory reactions of the DNVP's Berlin headquarters and local DNVP associations when baptized Jews or half-J...
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Between the Dictates of Conscience and Political Expediency: Hitler’s Conservative Alliance Partner and Antisemitism during the Nazi Seizure of Power
Journal of Contemporary History, 2006Co-Authors: Hermann BeckAbstract:This article investigates the plight of German Jews during the Nazi Seizure of Power in 1933 and, in particular, how DNVP leaders and members reacted to nazi transgressions and violence. The first section reviews the existing literature, which clearly reveals the gap in our present knowledge of the DNVP's role during the Machtergreifung. The second section examines the plethora of violent attacks on Jewish-owned businesses and individual Jews following the elections of 5 March 1933 and the reaction of the German authorities. The third section highlights the DNVP's reaction to the dilemma of national-minded German Jews, a large number of whom fought for Germany in the first world war. The fourth section analyses the few cases of conservative protest and attempted help and the fifth section focuses on the more numerous cases of rejection and disapprobation. The sixth section discloses the often contradictory reactions of the DNVP's Berlin headquarters and local DNVP associations when baptized Jews or half-J...
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the nazis and their conservative alliance partner in 1933 the Seizure of Power in a new light
Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 2005Co-Authors: Hermann BeckAbstract:Abstract This article concentrates on the uneasy, tension‐ridden relationship between the Nazi Party and its alliance partner, the conservative DNVP (German National Peoples Party), during the Nazi Seizure of Power from 30 January to 14 July 1933, when Hitler declared the ‘revolution’ ended. While the DNVP and the Nazi Party had much in common, it is the conflict between the two, in particular the substance of Nazi attacks on the DNVP and its organisations, on which this article focuses. By attacking conservatives and their way of life with unrelenting vigour, the Nazis displayed a revolutionary fervour that was especially pronounced during the period of the actual Seizure of Power. In the same vein, the article investigates the Nazis’ endeavour to destroy traditional social hierarchies (often accompanied by violence), the ‘anti‐bourgeois’ thrust of Nazi propaganda, as well as the mindset that lay behind Nazi attacks on the conservative Burger and his lifestyle. After the elections of 5 March 1933, the ol...
Dahlia Sabina Elazar - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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class state and counter revolution the fascist Seizure of Power in italy 1919 1922
European Sociological Review, 2000Co-Authors: Dahlia Sabina ElazarAbstract:How was the Fascist Squads' violence transformed from a target-specific anti-socialist tactic into a vehicle for the Fascist Seizure of political Power ? This study of the Fascists'Seizure of Power in 25 of Italy's 69 provinces, focuses on the theoretically neglected historical sequence that followed the initial emergence of the Fascist organization. Comparing the determinants of the Fascists' struggle, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence, and based on Moore's thesis of the state-landlord alliance, it is argued that the Fascists'Seizure of state Power was determined by: (a) their coalition with the landlords; and (b) the collusion of the state with the Fascists' anti-socialist violence. Without this collusion, the Fascists would not have been able to transform their violent tactics into a political victory
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Class, State, and Counter-Revolution The Fascist Seizure of Power in Italy, 1919—1922
European Sociological Review, 2000Co-Authors: Dahlia Sabina ElazarAbstract:How was the Fascist Squads' violence transformed from a target-specific anti-socialist tactic into a vehicle for the Fascist Seizure of political Power ? This study of the Fascists'Seizure of Power in 25 of Italy's 69 provinces, focuses on the theoretically neglected historical sequence that followed the initial emergence of the Fascist organization. Comparing the determinants of the Fascists' struggle, based on quantitative and qualitative historical evidence, and based on Moore's thesis of the state-landlord alliance, it is argued that the Fascists'Seizure of state Power was determined by: (a) their coalition with the landlords; and (b) the collusion of the state with the Fascists' anti-socialist violence. Without this collusion, the Fascists would not have been able to transform their violent tactics into a political victory
Georgiy Chernyavskiy - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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lenin and the bolshevik Seizure of Power 1900 1917
2007Co-Authors: Jeffrey Brooks, Georgiy ChernyavskiyAbstract:The years 1900 to 1917 were triumphant for Lenin. He returned from Siberian exile in 1900 at the age of 30, settled briefly in European Russia, and then left for Western Europe. He came back seventeen years later in April 1917 as a famous revolutionary and the leader of a militant party. While abroad, he had helped create that party, attracting followers both inside and outside of Russia. Once in Russia again, he planned for the Seizure of Power of which he had long dreamed.
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Lenin and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power, 1900–1917
Lenin and the Making of the Soviet State, 2007Co-Authors: Jeffrey Brooks, Georgiy ChernyavskiyAbstract:The years 1900 to 1917 were triumphant for Lenin. He returned from Siberian exile in 1900 at the age of 30, settled briefly in European Russia, and then left for Western Europe. He came back seventeen years later in April 1917 as a famous revolutionary and the leader of a militant party. While abroad, he had helped create that party, attracting followers both inside and outside of Russia. Once in Russia again, he planned for the Seizure of Power of which he had long dreamed.
Ben Fowkes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Eastern Europe 1945-1969: From Stalinism to Stagnation
2000Co-Authors: Ben FowkesAbstract:Part 1 Introduction. Part 2 Analysis: the Seizure of Power the imposition of the Stalinist system Stalin's system at its height de-Stalinization and the critical year of 1956 a decade of consolidation. Part 3 Assessment: achievments and failures. Part 4 Documents.
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the Seizure of Power
1995Co-Authors: Ben FowkesAbstract:We have now to consider the countries to the south of Czechoslovakia, which were still characterised in 1945 by a continuing predominance of the agrarian sector, a minority urban population, an undeveloped working class, and a concomitant pre-war weakness of both socialism and communism.1 These statements apply in general terms to the Balkan lands. They are less true for Hungary, which did have a large urban population and an industrial working class, although politically the severe repressive measures of the interwar years had taken their toll of the socialist and communist movements. Hungary was on the boundary between north and south, both in its geography and its economic and social structure.
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the Seizure of Power part one the northern tier
1993Co-Authors: Ben FowkesAbstract:Military factors played an overwhelming role in the establishment of communism in Poland. It was made possible by the victory of the Soviet Red Army; and alongside the latter there marched a 100 000 strong ‘Polish Army’, established in 1943 under Colonel Zygmunt Berling and consisting largely of former Polish prisoners of war conscripted within the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the manner and the speed with which communist rule was established were determined by the interplay between Stalin’ s strategic objectives, the Comintern conception of the ‘National Front’, which lived on even after the quiet dissolution of that organisation in 1943, and the situation on the ground.
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the Seizure of Power part two hungary and the agrarian south
1993Co-Authors: Ben FowkesAbstract:We have now to consider the countries to the south of Czechoslovakia, which were still characterised in 1945 by a continuing predominance of the agrarian sector, a minority urban population, an undeveloped working class, and a concomitant pre-war weakness of both socialism and communism.1 These statements apply in general terms to the Balkan lands. They are less true for Hungary, which did have a large urban population and an industrial working class, although politically the severe repressive measures of the interwar years had taken their toll of the socialist and communist movements. Hungary was on the boundary between north and south, both in its geography and its economic and social structure.
Joakim Wendell - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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explaining the third reich swedish students causal reasoning about the nazi Seizure of Power in germany
Curriculum Journal, 2018Co-Authors: Joakim WendellAbstract:ABSTRACTThe topic of this study is how Swedish students aged 15–16 use causal reasoning in history when given a high-stakes task about explaining a historically significant event, the rise of the Nazi regime in Germany. The study is based on student texts from the Swedish national test in history. The student texts are mainly analysed with regards to how many, and what kinds of, causal factors are used by the students. The study finds that while most students are able to combine agents and situational factors in their explanations, the explanations show a recurring theme of combining a generic sense of economic crisis with Hitler and the German people as the important agents, to the detriment of other causes that could open up for different interpretations of why the Nazi regime came to Power. To counteract this, the study suggests increased emphasis on some contextual factors in teaching practices.