The Experts below are selected from a list of 360 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Rongbin Han - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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defending the Authoritarian Regime online china s voluntary fifty cent army
Social Science Research Network, 2018Co-Authors: Rongbin HanAbstract:English Abstract: Recent studies on internet politics in China have gone beyond the once dominant control–liberalization perspective and directed intellectual attention to the varieties of online activism. Based on extensive in-depth online ethnographic work, this project explores the pluralization of online expression in Chinese cyberspace. Following a constituency of internet users who identify themselves as the “voluntary fifty-cent army,” the paper explores how these users acquire and consolidate their identity and combat criticism that targets the Authoritarian Regime. Analysis of the confrontational exchanges between the “voluntary fifty-cent army” and their opponents suggests that a perspective that goes beyond state censorship and Regime-challenging activism is required in order to gain a better understanding of online expression in China. Close examination of why and how internet users may voluntarily defend the Authoritarian Regime also reveals how the dynamics in online discourse competition may work to the Authoritarian Regime's advantage. Chinese Abstract: 近期对于中国网络政治的研究已经逐渐超脱了曾占主导地位的“自由化-控制”视角, 开始越来越关注网络行动主义的多样性。本文基于广泛而深入的网络志研究, 探讨中国网络空间表达的多元化问题。通过跟踪观察一群自称为“自带干粮的五毛” (简称“自干五”) 的网民, 本文试图探究他们如何获得并强化“自干五”的虚拟身份认同并与网络上批评现政权的话语进行论战。这种“自干五”群体与其对手之间的言辞交锋和话语竞争表明对于中国网络表达的理解不应该局限于国家审查与体制挑战的视野。仔细分析网民为何及如何自发维护中国的现政权也有助于我们了解多元化的网络话语竞争在何种情况下会对当前的威权体制产生有利的结果。
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defending the Authoritarian Regime online china s voluntary fifty cent army
The China Quarterly, 2015Co-Authors: Rongbin HanAbstract:Recent studies on internet politics in China have gone beyond the once dominant control–liberalization perspective and directed intellectual attention to the varieties of online activism. Based on extensive in-depth online ethnographic work, this project explores the pluralization of online expression in Chinese cyberspace. Following a constituency of internet users who identify themselves as the “voluntary fifty-cent army,” the paper explores how these users acquire and consolidate their identity and combat criticism that targets the Authoritarian Regime. Analysis of the confrontational exchanges between the “voluntary fifty-cent army” and their opponents suggests that a perspective that goes beyond state censorship and Regime-challenging activism is required in order to gain a better understanding of online expression in China. Close examination of why and how internet users may voluntarily defend the Authoritarian Regime also reveals how the dynamics in online discourse competition may work to the Authoritarian Regime's advantage.
Xuanhui Liu - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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path dependence and the Authoritarian Regime in traditional chinese culture a historical institutionalism framework of analysis
Journal of Public Administration and Governance, 2013Co-Authors: Xuanhui LiuAbstract:The democratic situation in China is deeply influenced by the traditional culture. This article attempt to answer the question why there is no democracy in Chinese traditional culture from historical institutionalism perspective. Path dependence plays the vital role in this process. The starting point is set in Qin Dynasty. After that, the Authoritarian Regime has been strengthened from four aspects: the bureaucratic system, the Confucian theory, the imperial examination system, and rewards and punishing measures. These measures work from the institutions to people’s inner world. The Authoritarian culture became the orthodox value in Chinese traditional culture. The Authoritarian Regime and traditional culture have been intertwined and strengthened each other. That is a process of path dependence from historical institutionalism perspective. This article shows us a framework of how to observe this process.
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path dependence and the Authoritarian Regime in traditional chinese culture a historical institutionalism framework of analysis
Social Science Research Network, 2012Co-Authors: Xuanhui LiuAbstract:The democratic transition in China seems to be more difficult than the European countries. Especially after three decades economic reform, the debates about the future direction of democratization become more heated than ever. This article analyzes the influences of traditional culture on democratization from historical institutionalism perspective. The article gives out four dimensions framework to explain the path dependence of traditional Authoritarian culture. These four dimensions include: the bureaucratic system, Confucian theory, the imperial examination system, and rewards and punishing measures. It explains why the Authoritarian culture could be accepted by the public and how it influences peoples’ behavior.
Alexander Stroh - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the effects of electoral institutions in rwanda why proportional representation supports the Authoritarian Regime
Social Science Research Network, 2009Co-Authors: Alexander StrohAbstract:While much has been written about the special design of Rwanda’s judiciary in order to handle the aftermath of the genocide in 1994, other institutional actions resulting from the 2003 constitution have rarely been addressed in research. However, the second (partial) parliamentary elections in September 2008 revealed some of the implications which the carefully designed electoral system has for Rwanda’s political development. As a starting point, the paper emphasises the need to link the debates on institutional design in divided societies with elections in Authoritarian Regimes. Under different Regime types, 'institutional engineers' may pursue different goals. The paper concludes that in the case of Rwanda proportional representation (PR) has been implemented to support undemocratic goals. PR limits the local accountability of politicians in a political environment in which the government is not controlled by a democratic opposition. Thus, Rwanda’s current PR system facilitates the maintenance of Authoritarian power in the country, whereas small constituencies would establish closer links between the local populations and their representatives.
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the effects of electoral institutions in rwanda why proportional representation supports the Authoritarian Regime
Research Papers in Economics, 2009Co-Authors: Alexander StrohAbstract:While much has been written about the special design of Rwanda’s judiciary in order to handle the aftermath of the genocide in 1994, other institutional actions resulting from the 2003 constitution have rarely been addressed in research. However, the second (partial) par-liamentary elections in September 2008 revealed some of the implications which the care-fully designed electoral system has for Rwanda’s political development. As a starting point, the paper emphasises the need to link the debates on institutional design in divided societies with elections in Authoritarian Regimes. Under different Regime types, “institutional engi-neers” may pursue different goals. The paper concludes that in the case of Rwanda propor-tional representation (PR) has been implemented to support undemocratic goals. PR limits the local accountability of politicians in a political environment in which the government is not controlled by a democratic opposition. Thus, Rwanda’s current PR system facilitates the maintenance of Authoritarian power in the country, whereas small constituencies would es-tablish closer links between the local populations and their representatives. Wahrend das besondere institutionelle Design der ruandischen Justiz, das dazu dienen soll, die Folgen des Volkermords von 1994 zu bewaltigen, Gegenstand vieler Untersuchungen ist, wurden andere institutionelle Reaktionen der Verfassung von 2003 nur sehr selten betrach-tet. Die zweiten (partiellen) Parlamentswahlen im September 2008 haben jedoch einige Fol-gen des sorgfaltig entworfenen Wahlsystems des Landes fur dessen politische Entwicklung erkennen lassen. Fur die Analyse dieser Wahlen fuhrt der Verfasser dieses Beitrags die Lite-ratur zu Institutional Design in konflikttrachtigen Gesellschaften und zu Wahlen in autorita-ren Regimen zusammen und wertet sie aus. Dadurch kommt er zu folgendem Schluss: Zu-mindest im politischen Kontext Ruandas, in dem die Regierung nicht von einer demokrati-schen Opposition kontrolliert wird, weil diese entweder erfolgreich kooptiert oder von poli-tischer Einflussnahme ausgeschlossen wurde, schranken Verhaltniswahlsysteme mit grosen Wahlkreisen die Moglichkeit ein, Politiker lokal fur ihr Handeln verantwortlich zu machen. Daher tragt das ruandische Wahlsystem tendenziell dazu bei, autoritare Herrschaft auf-rechtzuerhalten. Hingegen waren kleinere Wahlkreise, die mit der lokalen Bevolkerung en-ger verbunden sind, besser geeignet, eine kulturell und historisch angepasste Grundlage fur mehr politische Verantwortlichkeit gewahlter Politiker herzustellen.
Peter Lorentzen - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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regularizing rioting permitting public protest in an Authoritarian Regime
Social Science Research Network, 2013Co-Authors: Peter LorentzenAbstract:Lacking the informative feedback provided by competitive elections, an unfettered press and an active civil society, Authoritarian Regimes can find it difficult to identify which social groups have become dangerously discontented and to monitor lower levels of government. While a rise in public protest is often seen as a harbinger of Regime collapse in such states, this paper uses a formal model and a close examination of the Chinese case to show that the informal toleration and even encouragement of small-scale, narrowly economic protests can be an effective information gathering tool, mitigating these informational problems. The analysis demonstrates that protests should be observed most frequently where discontent is neither too high nor too low. This calls into question the common assumption in comparative politics that an increase in protests necessarily reflects an increase in discontent or the weakness of a Regime.
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regularizing rioting permitting public protest in an Authoritarian Regime
Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 2013Co-Authors: Peter LorentzenAbstract:Lacking the informative feedback provided by competitive elections, an unfettered press and an active civil society, Authoritarian Regimes can find it difficult to identify which social groups have become dangerously discontented and to monitor lower levels of government. While a rise in public protest is often seen as a harbinger of Regime collapse in such states, this paper uses a formal model and a close examination of the Chinese case to show that the informal toleration and even encouragement of small-scale, narrowly economic protests can be an effective information gathering tool, mitigating these informational problems. The analysis demonstrates that protests should be observed ∗ I am grateful to Avner Greif, John McMillan, Kevin O’Brien, Jean Oi, Robert Powell, Andrzej Skrzypacz, and Steven Tadelis as well as other classmates and seminar participants too numerous to mention for valuable discussions and guidance at various stages of this project. Financial support from the John M. Olin Program in Law and Economics at Stanford Law School and from the Center on Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law at the Freeman Spogli Institute of International Studies at Stanford University is gratefully acknowledged.
John James Kennedy - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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maintaining popular support for the chinese communist party the influence of education and the state controlled media
Political Studies, 2009Co-Authors: John James KennedyAbstract:Literature on public opinion in China suggests that public support for the Chinese Communist party (CCP) is quite high. No matter how survey questions regarding Regime support are phrased, the results are the same. The obvious question arises: how does an Authoritarian Regime, such as the PRC, garner the support of the vast majority of its citizens? I argue that the exposure-acceptance model best explains the high level of public support in China. This model suggests that educated citizens, who are politically aware, display high levels of political support within an Authoritarian Regime, but citizens at the highest levels of education are more resistant to political messages and tend to have lower levels of support. However, in a developing country such as China there are unequal educational opportunities for rural and urban citizens. This has a significant influence on how education affects Regime support. Despite lower levels of support among the most educated citizens, the CCP still manages to maintai...
