The Experts below are selected from a list of 21474 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Thorsten Beck - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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keep walking geographical proximity religion and relationship banking
Journal of Corporate Finance, 2019Co-Authors: Thorsten Beck, Steven Ongena, Ilkay şendenizyuncuAbstract:We investigate the geographical proximity of firms to their relationship banks. We find that Islamic banks are more remote to their borrowers. We also find that the probability for a firm to connect to a bank substantially decreases in distance, but that the choice along bank characteristics determines how potent distance is in its impact. If the bank in the vicinity is an Islamic bank, distance plays a more muted role, especially in cities with a high Conservative Party vote and higher trust in religious institutions. Overall, these findings suggest that the presence of banks with certain characteristics in the vicinity may determine the within-firm and across-firm configurations of observable firm-bank connections. (112 words).
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keep walking geographical proximity religion and relationship banking
Social Science Research Network, 2016Co-Authors: Thorsten Beck, Steven Ongena, Ilkay şendenizyuncuAbstract:We investigate the geographical proximity of firms to their relationship banks. We find that (compared to the firms' average bank) Islamic, foreign and state banks are more, and large banks less remote to their borrowers. We also find that the probability for a firm to connect to a bank substantially decreases in distance, but that the choice along bank characteristics determines how potent distance is in its impact. For example, if the bank in the vicinity is an Islamic bank, distance plays a more muted role, especially in cities in the Mediterranean and Aegean regions, as well as in cities with a high Conservative Party vote and higher trust in religious institutions. Also when engaging with small, foreign or state banks physical distance no longer plays a crucial role in determining the firms` choices. Overall these findings suggest that the presence of banks with certain characteristics in the vicinity of firms may determine the within-firm and across-firm configurations of observable firm-bank connections.
Ilkay şendenizyuncu - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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keep walking geographical proximity religion and relationship banking
Journal of Corporate Finance, 2019Co-Authors: Thorsten Beck, Steven Ongena, Ilkay şendenizyuncuAbstract:We investigate the geographical proximity of firms to their relationship banks. We find that Islamic banks are more remote to their borrowers. We also find that the probability for a firm to connect to a bank substantially decreases in distance, but that the choice along bank characteristics determines how potent distance is in its impact. If the bank in the vicinity is an Islamic bank, distance plays a more muted role, especially in cities with a high Conservative Party vote and higher trust in religious institutions. Overall, these findings suggest that the presence of banks with certain characteristics in the vicinity may determine the within-firm and across-firm configurations of observable firm-bank connections. (112 words).
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keep walking geographical proximity religion and relationship banking
Social Science Research Network, 2016Co-Authors: Thorsten Beck, Steven Ongena, Ilkay şendenizyuncuAbstract:We investigate the geographical proximity of firms to their relationship banks. We find that (compared to the firms' average bank) Islamic, foreign and state banks are more, and large banks less remote to their borrowers. We also find that the probability for a firm to connect to a bank substantially decreases in distance, but that the choice along bank characteristics determines how potent distance is in its impact. For example, if the bank in the vicinity is an Islamic bank, distance plays a more muted role, especially in cities in the Mediterranean and Aegean regions, as well as in cities with a high Conservative Party vote and higher trust in religious institutions. Also when engaging with small, foreign or state banks physical distance no longer plays a crucial role in determining the firms` choices. Overall these findings suggest that the presence of banks with certain characteristics in the vicinity of firms may determine the within-firm and across-firm configurations of observable firm-bank connections.
David Cutts - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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laying the foundations for electoral success Conservative pre campaign canvassing before the 2010 uk general election
Journal of Elections Public Opinion & Parties, 2012Co-Authors: David Cutts, Ron Johnston, Charles Pattie, Justin FisherAbstract:The Conservatives needed a net gain of 116 seats at the 2010 general election if they were to win an overall majority and form the next government. From 2007 onwards, a unit in the central Party organization, led by Conservative Deputy Chairman Lord Ashcroft, worked with local parties to promote their candidates' cause in a substantial number of marginal constituencies. The efforts of Lord Ashcroft's team involved the expenditure of several million pounds during the pre-election campaign period in an effort to win over voters in key battleground seats. But was it effective? Using a path modelling approach, we provide substantial evidence that it was. Not only did it have both a significant direct effect and an indirect effect, through “short campaign” effort, on Conservative Party support in 2010, but the Conservatives were significantly more likely to win key battleground seats against Labour where larger grant allocations were made. Frequency also mattered. The Conservatives were far more likely to win ...
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strategic eurosceptics and polite xenophobes support for the united kingdom independence Party ukip in the 2009 european parliament elections
European Journal of Political Research, 2012Co-Authors: Robert Ford, Matthew J Goodwin, David CuttsAbstract:While Euroscepticism is the most important driver of United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) support, other attitudinal drivers – namely dissatisfaction towards mainstream parties and xenophobia – are also important. Examining vote-switching between first- and second-order elections evidence is found of a distinction between two types of supporter: more affluent and middle-class ‘strategic defectors’ from the mainstream Conservative Party who support UKIP to register their Euroscepticism, and more economically marginal and politically disaffected ‘core loyalists’ who are attracted to UKIP by its anti-immigration rhetoric and populist anti-establishment strategy. UKIP also succeeds in attracting core support from groups such as women who have traditionally rejected extreme right parties such as the British National Party (BNP). This suggests that UKIP is well positioned to recruit a broader and more enduring base of support than the BNP.
Timothy Heppell - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the united kingdom referendum on european union membership the voting of Conservative parliamentarians
Journal of Common Market Studies, 2017Co-Authors: Timothy Heppell, Andrew S Crines, David JefferyAbstract:This article considers the attitudes of members of the parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) during the European Union (EU) membership referendum held in the United Kingdom (UK) on 23 June 2016. First, the article identifies the voting positions – remain or leave – of each Conservative parliamentarian in order to assess the strength of opinion within the PCP and place it within its historical context. Second, the article uses multivariate analysis to test a series of hypotheses about the voting of Conservative parliamentarians. Through this we will aim to identify whether any associations existed between advocates and opponents of Brexit and social variables such as age, schooling, university, occupation and gender; political variables such as constituency marginality, and whether they were a minister, an ex-minister or a permanent backbencher; and the ideological variable of morality – such as support for or opposition to same sex marriage.
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the tories from winston churchill to david cameron
2014Co-Authors: Timothy HeppellAbstract:This book offers a comprehensive and accessible study of the electoral strategies, governing approaches and ideological thought of the British Conservative Party from Winston Churchill to David Cameron. Timothy Heppell integrates a chronological narrative with theoretical evaluation, examining the interplay between the ideology of Conservatism and the political practice of the Conservative Party both in government and in opposition. He considers the ethos of the Party within the context of statecraft theory, looking at the art of winning elections and of governing competently. The book opens with an examination ofthe triumph and subsequent degeneration of one-nation Conservatism in the 1945 to 1965 period, and closes with an analysis of the Party's re-entry into government as a coalition with the Liberal Democrats in 2010, and of the developing ideology and approach of the Cameron-led Tory Party in government.
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cameron and liberal conservatism attitudes within the parliamentary Conservative Party and Conservative ministers
The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2013Co-Authors: Timothy HeppellAbstract:Research Highlights and AbstractThis article:Contributes to the development of academic research on the internal dynamics of the Conservative Party under the leadership of David Cameron.Contributes to the development of academic research on the processes of ministerial selection within British Government.Contributes to the development of academic research on cohort effects within parties, and the analysis of comparisons and differences between different parliamentary cohorts.Contributes to the development of academic research on the constraints upon Prime Ministerial power when in coalition.This article identifies the ideological composition of the parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) in order to determine the location and numeric strength of the critics of Cameron. By constructing a data set of attitudes across two ideological divides—the social, sexual and morality divide and the European divide—the article identifies the following. First, despite Cameron's social liberal emphasis both the PCP and his...
Paul Webb - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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not as bad as we feared or even worse than we imagined assessing and explaining Conservative Party members views on coalition
Political Studies, 2016Co-Authors: Tim Bale, Paul WebbAbstract:Although often treated as such, political parties are not unitary actors. Presumably, therefore, their leaders have to take at least some account of the views of their followers – not least when deciding whether or not to enter a coalition with other parties. Hitherto there has been relatively little research into those views. This article uses a survey of members of the UK’s Conservative Party in order to elicit and explain their thinking on the coalition the Party formed with the Liberal Democrats in 2010, on the performance of the government since then, and on the prospects of a similar arrangement after the next general election. It finds that, although they largely approve of the government’s record, grassroots Tories regret the decision to go into coalition in the first place. However, they would sanction a continuation of the arrangement as the price of hanging onto power after the next election. Different members, of course, have different views, and these are best explained by ideological rather than demographic variables, as well as by members’ views on their Party leader and – at least in part – their levels of activism.
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reforming parliamentary selection Party change parliamentarian and Party member attitudes
2012Co-Authors: Sarah Childs, Paul WebbAbstract:The coming together of those within the Conservative Party seeking the greater descriptive representation of women for principled reasons, together with a new Party leadership keen to be electorally competitive, created a favourable moment of opportunity for the selection of many more women parliamentary candidates between 2005 and 2010 (Kittilson 2006).2 The context within which their endeavour took place included, however, a decentralized parliamentary selection process which made it difficult to force local associations to select women and a Party ideology that valorized the principle of merit. On both accounts, the Party at large was unlikely to support measures that engender women’s (s)election, most especially equality guarantees .3 The Party already had form (Bale 2010: 227–8). William Hague, who was Party leader between 1997 and 2001, had wanted a woman placed on every parliamentary selection shortlist but, in the face of activist and MPs’ resistance, he had backed down (Snowdon 2010: 51). A poll of Party members prior to Cameron taking over, had already established that only 14 percent were in agreement with the idea of an ‘A’ List of priority candidates (Bale 2010: 291).
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sex gender and the Conservative Party from iron lady to kitten heels
2012Co-Authors: Sarah Childs, Paul WebbAbstract:Sex, Gender and the Conservative Party provides a comprehensive gendered analysis of the contemporary Conservative Party. The modernization of the Conservative Party under David Cameron's leadership has garnered much comment. However, scholars have rarely considered the role of feminization in this. As leader of the Party, Cameron inherited a multi-faceted gender problem: only 17 women MPs; an unhappy women's organization; electorally uncompetitive policies 'for women'; and a Party which was seemingly unattractive to women voters. Written by leading gender politics and Party scholars this book draws on extensive new empirical research to fill this gap. It examines how the Party sought to increase the number of Conservative women MPs and looks at the nature and role of the women's organizations. It also analyzes how the Party 'acted for women' in the 2005 Parliament, the nature of its electoral offer to women in 2010 and how Party members and voters responded to the Party's feminization efforts.