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Sey Nishimura - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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promoting health during the american occupation of japan the public health section kyoto Military Government team 1945 1949
American Journal of Public Health, 2008Co-Authors: Sey NishimuraAbstract:During the American occupation of Japan (1945–1952), young public health officers from the US Army Medical Corps were posted in local US Army Military Government teams. These young doctors (aged 25 to 27 years), who had not absorbed the strong anti-Japanese tradition of the US Military during World War II, seem to have alleviated the initial resentment felt by the Japanese toward the new governors of their homeland. The case of the Kyoto Military Government Team illustrates the Kyoto citizenry’s positive view of some American-directed public health measures. The team’s services helped to counter widely held negative views on colonialism, occupation, and public health; lessened resentment toward the unilateral command structure of the occupation forces; and contributed to improved relations between the United States and Japan at the local level.
Zia Akhtar - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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constitutional legitimacy sharia law secularism and the social compact
Indonesia Law Review, 2011Co-Authors: Zia AkhtarAbstract:This article considers the general points relating to the application of Sharia law which challenges legislators in the political instability of a number of Middle Eastern countries. The question explored is how Governments of these countries who are facing discontent can work towards constitutional governance. As an example comparison is made between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and Indonesia with the largest Muslim populations. In Pakistan an inherited Westminster Parliamentary system with a common law codified dated at the time of the British rule is supplemented by criminal penalties as present in the Hudood ordinances. These codes enforce punishments for some crimes and these were promulgated in the early 1980s during the reign of the Pakistani conservative Military Government. These different layers of jurisprudence do not accord with a uniform legal precedence and creates a clash between liberals and the fundamentalists who want an all pervasive Sharia law . The Pakistani legal canon of Islamic law has been restricted by the secular ideology of the state which has parallels in other Asian countries with a Muslim majority. However, there is an issue of compatibility of a secular ideology and the application of Sharia. It needs an exposition of thought that takes account of the enlightenment in Europe which led to the social contract theory in the 18th century. This theory rejects the narrow interpretation of divine authority and presents the jurist with a challenge to make modernize the laws. In recent times Muslim academics have adopted a critical approach against the tenets of conservatism in temporal Islam and called them unrepresentative of the true spirit of the Sharia. The present turmoil in the Arab countries has raised the question of legitimacy and the need arises to evaluate the principles of the Compact of Medina, which was proclaimed by the first Islamic state, and secondly, to enquire if the adoption of Sharia can be made contingent upon a consensus of popular sovereignty in order to make it binding in a contract between the ruler and the governed.
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constitutional legitimacy sharia law secularism and the social compact
Indonesia Law Review, 2011Co-Authors: Zia AkhtarAbstract:This article considers the general points relating to the application of Sharia law which challenges legislators in the political instability of a number of Middle Eastern countries. The question explored is how Governments of these countries who are facing discontent can work towards constitutional governance. As an example comparison is made between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and Indonesia with the largest Muslim populations. In Pakistan an inherited Westminster Parliamentary system with a common law codified dated at the time of the British rule is supplemented by criminal penalties as present in the Hudood ordinances. These codes enforce punishments for some crimes and these were promulgated in the early 1980s during the reign of the Pakistani conservative Military Government. These different layers of jurisprudence do not accord with a uniform legal precedence and creates a clash between liberals and the fundamentalists who want an all pervasive Sharia law . The Pakistani legal canon of Islamic law has been restricted by the secular ideology of the state which has parallels in other Asian countries with a Muslim majority. However, there is an issue of compatibility of a secular ideology and the application of Sharia. It needs an exposition of thought that takes account of the enlightenment in Europe which led to the social contract theory in the 18th century. This theory rejects the narrow interpretation of divine authority and presents the jurist with a challenge to make modernize the laws. In recent times Muslim academics have adopted a critical approach against the tenets of conservatism in temporal Islam and called them unrepresentative of the true spirit of the Sharia. The present turmoil in the Arab countries has raised the question of legitimacy and the need arises to evaluate the principles of the Compact of Medina, which was proclaimed by the first Islamic state, and secondly, to enquire if the adoption of Sharia can be made contingent upon a consensus of popular sovereignty in order to make it binding in a contract between the ruler and the governed.
Inhan Kim - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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security trumps ideology comparison of land reforms in japan and south korea during the u s Military occupation
The Journal of American-East Asian Relations, 2016Co-Authors: Inhan KimAbstract:An important unresolved issue in U.S. policy in Asia after World War II is the variation in the scale of land reforms in Japan and southern Korea during postwar American Military occupation of these nations. The U.S. occupation authority in Japan conducted sweeping land redistribution, while the Military Government in Korea implemented very limited reform of landholding. This study asserts that the source of the variation lies in the different degrees of security threat to the two U.S. occupations. In Japan, the United States enjoyed a favorable security environment. No political force, either internal or external, challenged the authority of the occupation. Without fear of the islands falling to a hostile rival, U.S. occupation leaders focused on dissolving the concentration of wealth in rural society. By contrast, south of the 38th parallel in Korea, the U.S. occupation had to deal with challenges strong domestic Communist groups posed to its authority. In this unfavorable security environment, land reform might exacerbate existing chaos. The U.S. Military Government had to accommodate landed conservative elites as its governing partners to counter Communist organizations. Later, these former partners grew strong enough to block U.S. efforts to alter landholding and forced the occupiers to return home after only partial reform.
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land reform in south korea under the u s Military occupation 1945 1948
Journal of Cold War Studies, 2016Co-Authors: Inhan KimAbstract:The conventional wisdom regarding land reform in South Korea implemented by the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) is that it was a partial and short-term palliative driven by the exigent Communist threat and the free-land program adopted in North Korea. This article offers a new interpretation of the motives, process, and impact of the land reform program under the U.S. Military occupation, highlighting three points. First, the United States was serious about conducting a land-to-tiller program because of its desire to stop Communism and pave the way for democracy in South Korea. Both goals were important. Second, the partial reform in March 1948 is explained by volatile political circumstances in South Korea: strong Communist activity at the beginning of the occupation and the rise of intransigent conservatives at the end. Third, the U.S.-sponsored land reform catalyzed further reform by the new South Korean Government by setting a precedent and establishing guidelines for land redistribution parcel sizes, prices, and payment schedules.
Kwon Yaejoon - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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From Military Government to bases: Race, gender, and U.S. empire in Korea
2023Co-Authors: Kwon YaejoonAbstract:Through a socio-historical case study of the United State Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) from 1945 to 1949, this dissertation examines the relationships between race, gender, and U.S. empire. I argue that the Military is not just a repressive arm of the state but an ideological arm of the state that actively participates in social formations, blurring the lines between civilian and Military realms. Emphasizing the centrality of raced and gendered power in Military occupations and in the maintenance of U.S. empire, I propose a sociology of Military occupations that centers three entry points of inquiry: 1) knowledge creation, 2) technologies of rule, and 3) conflicts, contradictions, and controversies. Each chapter of the dissertation tackles one of the three entry points to study the organization and character of power during the occupation. The first entry point, knowledge creation, deals with the framing of the occupation and the boundaries created to legitimate the occupation and de-legitimate local actions towards self-determination. In chapter two, “Trans-Colonial Racial Formation: Constructing the “Irish of the Orient”,” I reveal how the U.S. pulled racial knowledge gained through previous colonial experiences and from British and Japanese empires to construct the racial script of the “Irish of the Orient.” I find the racial formation of Koreans during the U.S. Military occupation exemplified the relational, non-linear, and trans-colonial process of racial formation. The second entry point, technologies of power and rule, focuses on the organizational aspects of governance. The objective of this entry point is to understand how power is organized and what institutional, structural, and social technologies facilitate both physical and psychological violence. In chapter three, “The Legal Infrastructure of Raced and Gendered Violence,” I examine law as a technology of rule. By looking both at the formal and informal legal systems within the Military Government, this chapter demonstrates that the pluralistic nature of U.S. Military’s legal structures produced an environment that institutionalized raced and gendered violence during the occupation. The third entry point asks researchers to identify and examine moments of conflict, contradiction, or controversy as a way to reveal how domestic hierarchies of citizenship and social formations are being tested, defied, reified, or modified abroad. This allows us to see how Military bases and occupations abroad become testing grounds for how power is organized domestically. Chapter four, “Regulating Marriage and Race: Marital and Martial Masculinities in the Making of American Manhood,” examines a conflict and contradiction that the Military Government had to address—the marriage of U.S. soldiers to Koreans. By focusing on the problem of managing masculinities through marriage, this chapter demonstrates how martial masculinity defies the civilian-Military binary and how the Military as an ideological institution actively maintains racialized hierarchies of citizenship. The last chapter, “Expanding Camp Humphreys: Militarized Development and the New Regime of Family and Luxury,” uses all three entry points to analyze the contemporary period of U.S. empire in South Korea. I argue the physical and discursive construction of Camp Humphreys introduces a new regime of living as a shift in U.S. strategy for the management of soldier conduct, South Korean attitudes towards the U.S., and the Military’s own image control.U of I OnlyAuthor submitted request to Thesis Office, which they approved
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From Military Government to bases: Race, gender, and U.S. empire in Korea
2020Co-Authors: Kwon YaejoonAbstract:Through a socio-historical case study of the United State Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) from 1945 to 1949, this dissertation examines the relationships between race, gender, and U.S. empire. I argue that the Military is not just a repressive arm of the state but an ideological arm of the state that actively participates in social formations, blurring the lines between civilian and Military realms. Emphasizing the centrality of raced and gendered power in Military occupations and in the maintenance of U.S. empire, I propose a sociology of Military occupations that centers three entry points of inquiry: 1) knowledge creation, 2) technologies of rule, and 3) conflicts, contradictions, and controversies. Each chapter of the dissertation tackles one of the three entry points to study the organization and character of power during the occupation. The first entry point, knowledge creation, deals with the framing of the occupation and the boundaries created to legitimate the occupation and de-legitimate local actions towards self-determination. In chapter two, “Trans-Colonial Racial Formation: Constructing the “Irish of the Orient”,” I reveal how the U.S. pulled racial knowledge gained through previous colonial experiences and from British and Japanese empires to construct the racial script of the “Irish of the Orient.” I find the racial formation of Koreans during the U.S. Military occupation exemplified the relational, non-linear, and trans-colonial process of racial formation. The second entry point, technologies of power and rule, focuses on the organizational aspects of governance. The objective of this entry point is to understand how power is organized and what institutional, structural, and social technologies facilitate both physical and psychological violence. In chapter three, “The Legal Infrastructure of Raced and Gendered Violence,” I examine law as a technology of rule. By looking both at the formal and informal legal systems within the Military Government, this chapter demonstrates that the pluralistic nature of U.S. Military’s legal structures produced an environment that institutionalized raced and gendered violence during the occupation. The third entry point asks researchers to identify and examine moments of conflict, contradiction, or controversy as a way to reveal how domestic hierarchies of citizenship and social formations are being tested, defied, reified, or modified abroad. This allows us to see how Military bases and occupations abroad become testing grounds for how power is organized domestically. Chapter four, “Regulating Marriage and Race: Marital and Martial Masculinities in the Making of American Manhood,” examines a conflict and contradiction that the Military Government had to address—the marriage of U.S. soldiers to Koreans. By focusing on the problem of managing masculinities through marriage, this chapter demonstrates how martial masculinity defies the civilian-Military binary and how the Military as an ideological institution actively maintains racialized hierarchies of citizenship. The last chapter, “Expanding Camp Humphreys: Militarized Development and the New Regime of Family and Luxury,” uses all three entry points to analyze the contemporary period of U.S. empire in South Korea. I argue the physical and discursive construction of Camp Humphreys introduces a new regime of living as a shift in U.S. strategy for the management of soldier conduct, South Korean attitudes towards the U.S., and the Military’s own image control.LimitedAuthor requested closed access (OA after 2yrs) in Vireo ETD syste
Han Sang Kim - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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my car modernity what the u s army brought to south korean cinematic imagination about modern mobility
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2016Co-Authors: Han Sang KimAbstract:This article examines the cultural logic of mobilization in postcolonial South Korea, promoted through American cinematic representations. In early 1946, the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea started importing and distributing American propaganda films. These audiovisual textbooks for “free people” praised private car ownership and self-determined mobility, attracting audiences with scenes of automobiles and expressways. This might have encouraged audiences to imagine a self-regulating and untrammeled unit where they could choose their own destination, speed, and companions, symbolized in the ideal type of car-owning nuclear family. Such representational expressions of “maik'a” (my car) were closely linked with the global transition after World War II, such as the nuclearization of the family, the rise of the automobile industry, and the emergence of small screens at home. This shows how South Koreans were exposed to a new, liberal technology of Government under U.S. hegemony, after the cessation of Japanese railway imperialism.