The Experts below are selected from a list of 21774 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Pedro Floriano Ribeiro - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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an amphibian Party organisational change and adaptation in the brazilian Workers Party 1980 2012
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2014Co-Authors: Pedro Floriano RibeiroAbstract:The arrival of Luiz Inacio ‘Lula’ da Silva and the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) at the helm of the Brazilian federal government in 2003 represented the culmination of a slow and deep-rooted process of Party transformation. Attributable partly to the inevitable consequences of the Party gradually inserting itself into governmental institutions, and partly to strategic decisions made by the dominant coalition that had controlled the PT since 1995, these transformations significantly changed the organisational features of the Party, paving its way to the federal government. This article analyses these processes, and the subsequent changes throughout the Lula government, from an organisational perspective, linking exogenous challenges and the Party's genetic model with the strategies consciously adopted by the petista leadership.
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robert michels e a oligarquia do partido dos trabalhadores robert michels and the oligarchy of the brazilian Workers Party
Social Science Research Network, 2010Co-Authors: Pedro Floriano RibeiroAbstract:“Who says organization, says oligarchy.” These Michels’ words summarize his law of oligarchy, which emphasizes the inexorableness of processes of leadership oligarchization in any mass organization – especially trade unions and political parties. The paper evaluates this process in a Party that, according to its supporters and many analysts, would be immune to the iron law. Seeing oligarchization as a process of forming a Party aristocracy almost immovable, the Schonfeld’s (1980) indicators were applied to measure the stability level of the petista leadership in the National Directory (DN), National Executive Committee (CEN), and in the core of the Executive (strategic offices in Party structure), from 1980 to 2009. Despite some peculiarities, the application of these indicators to the PT leaves no doubt: in its centenary, Michels’ law of oligarchy remains strong and contemporary.
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from trade unions to the government the national organization of the brazilian Workers Party from 1980 to 2005 dos sindicatos ao governo a organizacao nacional do pt de 1980 a 2005
Social Science Research Network, 2008Co-Authors: Pedro Floriano RibeiroAbstract:PhD thesis in Political Science, awarded with the CAPES Prize of Theses 2009 (Ministry of Education). Abstract: The arrival of Luis Inacio Lula da Silva and the Workers' Party to the federal government in 2003 represented the culmination of a long and deep process of institutional transformation, which changed significantly the organizational features of the Party. In part as “inevitable” effects of a Party that was gradually inserting itself into governmental institutions, but also due to strategic decisions of the dominant coalition that controlled the Party since the mid-nineties, these changes have paved the way of PT to the federal government. Emphasizing both exogenous and endogenous factors as sources of change, this thesis analyzes these transformation processes from an organizational perspective, articulating external challenges and the Party’s genetic model (Panebianco, 1988) with the strategies of the petista leadership.
Benjamin Junge - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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ngos as shadow pseudopublics grassroots community leaders perceptions of change and continuity in porto alegre brazil
American Ethnologist, 2012Co-Authors: Benjamin JungeAbstract:In this article, I examine changing meanings of participation for grassroots community leaders in Porto Alegre, Brazil, since the 2004 defeat of the Workers Party (PT) municipal government and a subsequent rise in the presence of both the private sector and NGOs in community politics. Through an ethnographic analysis of community politics in one municipal district, based on interviews I carried out in 2008, I argue that the changing relationship between state, private sector, and civil society has contributed to destabilization of the narrative of active citizenship hegemonic in earlier years, implanting a market-oriented, individualistic ethos in its place. [participation, citizenship, civil society, neoliberalism, NGOs, private sector, Brazil]
Joost Jongerden - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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learning from defeat development and contestation of the new paradigm within kurdistan Workers Party pkk
Kurdish Studies, 2019Co-Authors: Joost JongerdenAbstract:The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the Party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFerbuna ji tekcune: Pesketin u dijberiya "paradigmaya nu" di nava Partiya Karkeren Kurdistane ya Tirkiyeye (PKK) deGuherina ideolojik u jinuve rekxistina siyasi ya PKKye gelek buye babeta niqasan. Hindek lekoler qebul dikin ku guherinen giring cebun di nava PKKye de, le hindek lekoleren din giringiyeke wisa nedane veguherina PKKye u ew betir wek stratejiyeke ragihandine u rubereke ditine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvinen bi agahideren xwedan rol u giringi re, ev gotar niqas u gesedanen di nava partiye de yen li sere salen 2000an digihine hev u vesaz dike. Encameke sereki ku gotar digihe ew e ku veguherina PKKye gelek zedetir buye ji guherineke arasteye u leaninen rexistini; berevaji ve yeke, pesketina zihniyeteke nu bu, zihniyetek ku hiyerarsiyen diroki yen cinsiyetan u bingehen siyasi yen kur dixistine jer pirsyaran. Di pevajoya ve guherina bingehin de, PKKye hejmareke giring a calakvan u berpirsen xwe yen kevn ji dest dan. Hercend carinan wisa xuya bube ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bu veguherinek ku lez u dinamizmeke nu da PKKye.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFerbun le sikist: Gesekirdin u rikaberikirdini "paradaymi nwe" lenaw Parti Krekarani Kurdistani Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyoloji u rekxistinewey siyasiy PKK buwete babeti mistumirr. Lekatekda hendek nuser dan beweda denen ke gorrankariy gewre lenaw PKKda ruydawe, hendeki tir wercerxani PKK ret dekenewe u be corek le stratijiy rageyandin u perdeposi dadenen. Le ser binemay cawpekewtin legell hewallgire serekiyekanda, em babete mistumirr u allugorriyekani naw PKK le sallani 2000ekanda daderrejetewe. Encamgiriy sereki eweye wercerxani PKK le arayisdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdini rekxiraweyi ziyatire, le gesekirdini cihanbiniyeki tazes kemtir nebu, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jer pirsyari heremeyi cenderi ke cekewteyeki mejuyiy heye legell bellge newiste siyasiye rise dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekiyeda, PKK jimareyeki bercawi calakwan u kadire derinekani ledest da. Hercende hendek kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres benet, derencam wercerxanek bu ke gurr u tini tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlubiyet ra dersegirewtis: aversiyayis u werenayise “paradigmaya newiye” ya zereye Partiya Karkeran a Kurdistani ya Tirkiya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono ideolojik u rexistinbiyayise PKK biyi babete munaqeseyan. Herciqas ke taye nustoxi qebul kene ke zereye PKK de vuriyayise giringi qewimiyayi, taye bini ne vuriyayisi sey stratejiya komunikasyoni u xoxemilnayiseke zurayini nisan dane. Pe roportajane ke bi melumatdarane sermiyanan ameye kerdene, na meqale munaqese u aversiyayise ke sereye serrane 2000an de ca girewte, inan reyna ana ra ciman ver. Yew neticeyo bingeyen o yo ke vuriyayise PKK tena qande baserkerdise rexistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo aversiyayise hismendiyeka newiye bi. Na hismendi hiyerarsiye cinsiyetan e tradisyoneli u rastiye siyasiye xorini fisti ra gumani ver. Prosese ne vuriyayise girsi de PKK humareka giringe ya calakiker u kadroyane kanan kerde vindi. Herciqas wextek ge-gane wina asayene ke tevger do parce bibo, netice de no vuriyayis seba PKK bibi teswiqeko teze.
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a spatial perspective on political group formation in turkey after the 1971 coup the kurdistan Workers Party of turkey pkk
Kurdish Studies, 2017Co-Authors: Joost JongerdenAbstract:The five years preceding the 1978 founding congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party ( Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan , PKK) are referred to by its members as the Party’s “existential period”. In the PKK’s “existential period” public spaces, such as university dormitories and canteens and student associations played an important role as meeting places, yet political formation occurred mainly in private spaces, especially private apartments and houses. This article considers this early history of the PKK from a spatial perspective. The main question addressed is how the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, as the group was known before its formal establishment, sustained itself spatially at a time when political life had been paralysed as a result of martial law and became subject to securitisation politics. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and the study of (auto)biographical texts. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJI Nerineke mekani li ser avabuna komen siyasi li Tirkiyeye pisti derbeya 1971e: Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan a Tirkiyeye (PKK) 5 salen beriya 1978an, beri kongreya avabuna Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, ji teref endamen we ve wek qonaxa hebuni ya partiye te nisankirin. Di ‘qonaxa hebuni’ ya PKKe de roleke giring a mekanen gisti yen wek xewgeh u kantin u komeleyen xwendekaran li zaningehan hebu lewre ew wek cihen civine bun, le avabuna siyasi esasen li mekanen taybet, bi taybeti ji li mal u xaniyen taybet cebu. Ev gotar we diroka pesin a PKKe bi nerineke mekani dinirxine. Pirsa bingehin ew e ka Soresgeren Kurdistane, wek ku beri avabuna xwe ya fermi dihatin zanin, pisti ku jiyana siyasi ji ber qanunen ser felc bubu u tusi siyaseteke rijd a asayise dibu, cawa karin xwe li ser piya bigirin. Daneyen ve gotare bi reya hevpeyvinan u xebaten (oto)biyografik hatine berhevkirin. ABSTRACT IN SORANI Rwangeyeki swenmend sebaret be drustbuni grupeki siyasi le Turkiyay dway kudetay 1971: Parti Kirekarani Kurdistan le Turkiya (PKK) Mawey penc salli pes le damezrani kongrey Parti Kirekarani Kurdistan le salli 1978, le layen endamani em ḧizbewey weku “qonaẍi wucudi” amajey pe dekre. Lem “qonaẍe wucudiyey” Parti Kirekarani Kurdistan feza gistiyekan, weku jure nawxoyiyekani zankokan, cestxoriyekan u encumene xwendkariyekan dewreki giringyan wek sweni kobunewe debini, le katekda ta ew qonaẍe riskani siyasi zortir le feza taybetekan, be taybet apartman u malli sexsiy hawwillatiyan debinra. Em wutare le rwangeyeki swenmendewe serinci mejuy seretayi PKK dedat. Pirsyari serekiy em twejinewe bo ewe degerretewe ke con sorrisgerrani Kurdistan, pes lewey be resmi weku grupek dabimezren denasran, u herweha le ruwi sweni calakiyewe con ewan twaniyan xoyan rabigirin le katekda jiyani siyasi, wek babeti siyaseteki emniyewe seyr dekra u le derencami maddeyeki yasayiyewe iflic kirabu. Datay em wutare le regey wutuwej u lekollinewey deqekani (xo)jiyaninamekanewe ko kirawetewe.
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gender equality and radical democracy contractions and conflicts in relation to the new paradigm within the kurdistan Workers Party pkk
Anatoli. De l’Adriatique à la Caspienne. Territoires Politique Sociétés, 2017Co-Authors: Joost JongerdenAbstract:Introduction In its 1978 manifesto, the PKK declared the establishment of an independent state to be the only correct political goal of a national liberation movement. Around the turn of the millennium, following a critique and self-critique on the character of national liberation struggles and “real existing socialism”, the Party started to question whether independence really ought to be conceptualized and practiced in the form of state construction (Jongerden 2016). Taking the concept of s...
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confederalism and autonomy in turkey the kurdistan Workers Party and the reinvention of democracy
The Kurdish question in Turkey : new perspectives on violence representation and reconciliation, 2013Co-Authors: Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya, Joost JongerdenAbstract:After a long period of ‘national liberation struggle’ aimed at establishing an independent state, the Kurdish movement in Turkey led by the PKK (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, Kurdistan Workers’ Party), has changed course and set its aim towards a project of radical democracy. This idea of radical democracy – radical in the sense that it tries to develop the concept of democracy beyond nation and state – is developed in three projects: one for the democratic republic (of Turkey), one for democratic-confederalism and one for democratic-autonomy. In this article we have two objectives. The first is to explore how the PKK makes sense of the projects of democratic-confederalism and democratic-autonomy. This promises to advance our understanding of the PKK in particular and contribute to radical politics in general. Second, a genealogy of democratic-confederalism and democratic-autonomy brings our attention to the work of Murray Bookchin, who influenced Abdullah Ocalan. Our discussion of the democratic-confederalism and democratic-autonomy projects is part of a more general discussion in radical politics and contemporary Marxism. Since the late 1970s, the understanding of radical politics within the framework of Marxism has changed. Focusing on three important pillars of politics – the state, class and Party – radical political thought took the form of ‘politics beyond the state, political organisation beyond the Party, and political subjectivity beyond class’ (Badiou 2002: 95-7). This, we may say, is the crux of ‘radical democracy’ and an alternative to the neo-liberal surrender of democracy to the market. It is an idea that has given fresh impetus to radical (leftist) social and political movements, from the ‘liberation movements’ of Latin America to the anti-globalism demonstrations of the US and Europe. In the Middle East, which continues to be one of the most important landscapes for ethnic and religious conflicts, the Kurdish movement led by the PKK has put in motion a similar process through the promotion of its project of radical democracy. This chapter is composed of five parts. First, we will trace the evolution of the PKK’s ideological and political approach towards radical democracy in the 2000s. Then, we will discuss the concepts such as confederalism and autonomy developed by Bookchin. The third part looks in detail at the political projects developed within the context of radical democracy (democratic-republic, democratic-confederalism and democratic-autonomy), considering their theoretical implications as well as political dimensions. Next, our observations at the local level conducted in July 2011 will be presented. Finally, the meaning and political implications of this project of radical democracy for the Kurdish movement in Turkey will be discussed.
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nationalisms and politics in turkey political islam kemalism and the kurdish issue
Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics, 2010Co-Authors: Marlies Casier, Joost JongerdenAbstract:This book examines some of the most pressing issues facing the Turkish political establishment, in particular the issues of political Islam, and Kurdish and Turkish nationalisms. The authors explore the rationales of the main political actors in Turkey in order to increase our understanding of the ongoing debates over the secularist character of the Turkish Republic and over Turkey’s longstanding Kurdish issue. The book contains contributions on the social and political fabric of Turkey, exploring Turkey’s secularist establishment, the ruling AKP government, the Kurdistan Workers' Party and the Institutions of the European Union. While the focus of concern in this book is with the social agents of contemporary politics in Turkey, the convictions they have and the strategies they employ, historical dimensions are also integrated in their analyses.
Wendy Hunter - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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bolsonaro and brazil s illiberal backlash
Journal of Democracy, 2019Co-Authors: Wendy Hunter, Timothy J PowerAbstract:On 28 October 2018, far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro captured Brazil's presidency following a highly polarized runoff election against Workers' Party (PT) candidate Fernando Haddad. Multiple crises that have afflicted Brazil since 2013 and the blame Brazilians cast on establishment parties for these travails gave Bolsonaro his opening. Yet while prolonged economic recession, unprecedented corruption, and escalating crime rendered the PT and other major parties vulnerable, Bolsonaro leveraged his fringe status adroitly, sounding a "law and order" and anticorruption message that resonated strongly with the public. The incoming president's authoritarian leanings and illiberal rhetoric present concerns for Brazil's democracy.
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the transformation of the Workers Party in brazil 1989 2009
2010Co-Authors: Wendy HunterAbstract:Drawing on historical institutionalism and strategic frameworks, this book analyzes the evolution of the Workers' Party between 1989, the year of Lula's first presidential bid, and 2009, when his second presidential term entered its final stretch. The book's primary purpose is to understand why and how the once-radical Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) moderated the programmatic positions it endorsed and adopted other aspects of a more catch-all electoral strategy, thereby increasing its electoral appeal. At the same time, the book seeks to shed light on why some of the PT's distinctive normative commitments and organizational practices have endured in the face of adaptations aimed at expanding the Party's vote share. The conclusion asks whether, in the face of these changes and continuities, the PT can still be considered a mass organized Party of the left.
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the normalization of an anomaly the Workers Party in brazil
World Politics, 2007Co-Authors: Wendy HunterAbstract:Drawing on historical and rational choice institutionalism, this article seeks to explain the evolution of the Workers' Party as it moved from opposition to government between 1989 and 2002. The Partido dos Trabalhadores (pt), a once radical and programmatic Party, came to look more like its catchall competitors over time. This shift resulted from the heightened emphasis placed on immediate vote maximization after Brazil's adoption of market reforms rendered the Party's socialist project unviable. Vote maximization made the pt more susceptible to the institutional incentives for building electoral and political support in Brazil, incentives that induce parties to weaken their programmatic positions, forge opportunistic alliances, and resort to patronage and even corruption. To grow, the pt ended up applying such tactics, which it had long condemned. Yet its adaptation was incomplete and uneven due to historical legacies that hindered change. The analysis thus suggests that institutions evolve in response to changing environmental conditions but in ways constrained by past trajectories.
David J. Samuels - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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from socialism to social democracy Party organization and the transformation of the Workers Party in brazil
Comparative Political Studies, 2004Co-Authors: David J. SamuelsAbstract:Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s victory in Brazil’s 2002 presidential election brought to power Latin America’s largest leftist Party, the Workers’Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores [PT]). The PTwon because it moved to the center, and voters regarded this shift as credible. The Party’s transformation is puzzling, because political scientists do not expect strategic flexibility in “mass bureaucratic” parties, which the PT resembles. Although exogenous factors are important, the key to understanding the Party’s strategic adaptation lies with its internal institutions, which generate substantial leadership accountability. The weight of pragmatists in the rank and file grew in the 1990s following the Party’s success in subnational executive elections and its consequent need to demonstrate results in office. These rank-and-file members could influence the Party’s direction because of the Party’s internally democratic institutions. The PT’s transformation reveals that strategic flexibility can emerge in mass parties ...
