The Experts below are selected from a list of 41421 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Chan Wook Park - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Budget Review in the National Assembly of Democratic Korea
Journal of East Asian Studies, 2003Co-Authors: Chan Wook ParkAbstract:Although Korea has made significant strides to strengthen its democratic system since the successful transition in the late 1980s as part of the “third wave” of global democratization, a look into the process of making budgetary policy in the National Assembly would suggest that Korean democracy is far from consolidation. Korean politics has shed itself for the most part of its authoritarian past, when the military was the main conduit of action and oppression. The principle of free, regular, and fair competition has taken root as the procedural norm in both National and local elections. Korean citizens enjoy civil liberties to a degree unprecedented in the authoritarian era, and civil society transformed into an increasingly open, transparent, and pluralistic field of political action.
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The National Assembly of the Republic of Korea
The Journal of Legislative Studies, 1998Co-Authors: Chan Wook ParkAbstract:In the authoritarian era, the Korean National Assembly was a fairly weak form of marginal legislature. In the early years of democratic development, the legislature became a weak form of vulnerable legislature. Presently, however, it is a fairly strong form of marginal legislature. The constitution authorises the legislature to check the executive branch. Elections have become increasingly free and fair. Interest group pluralism steadily deepens. Nevertheless, the National Assembly operates in an environment where political culture is not conducive to compromise politics and the bureaucracy is not quite responsive to the legislature. Political parties are not responsible, nor is the party system stable. Looking inside the legislature, there exists a serious gap between its formality and actual workings. Formal rules, the committee system and staff service are reasonably well arranged. Yet they do not function effectively. Legislative members are potentially competent, but in actuality inexperienced in the...
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The organisation and workings of committees in the Korean National Assembly
The Journal of Legislative Studies, 1998Co-Authors: Chan Wook ParkAbstract:This study discusses the organisation and workings of standing committees in the Korean National Assembly. The formal rules have prescribed a central role for committees in the legislative process. In reality, however, the committees have not functioned as effectively as prescribed. The committees are party‐dominated institutions: political parties control committee appointment and policy deliberation in committees. Furthermore, the committees lack autonomy vis‐a‐vis the parental body and also the executive branch. These overall features of the committees notwithstanding, there exist significant cross‐committee differences in member goals, policy environments, decision‐making processes and decisional outputs. The study stresses a need for the consolidation of the committee system in the Korean National Assembly.
Christopher Ochanja Ngara - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Civil Society Organisations and Legislative Accountability in Nigeria’s 6th and 7th National Assembly
2018Co-Authors: Christopher Ochanja Ngara, Timipanipre UgeAbstract:This paper attempts to establish the functional roles of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in ensuring public accountability of the Federal Legislature in Nigeria. Using a combination of desk review, interview and historical methods, the paper reviews key contributions of CSOs in strengthening legislative accountability in the 6 th and 7 th National Assembly. Some of the challenges affecting the capacity of CSOs in promoting legislative accountability were interrogated. The paper recommends, among others, for CSOs to build specialised skills in working with the legislature and for the Nigerian National Assembly to be more open, transparent and responsive in dealing with the public and key stakeholders, especially, CSOs as a way of building institutions and deepening democracy in Nigeria.
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the National Assembly and the budget process in nigeria s fourth republic tackling the challenges of timeliness
Canadian Social Science, 2016Co-Authors: Albert T Samtsokwa, Christopher Ochanja NgaraAbstract:This paper examines the National Assembly and the budget process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with a view to tackling the perennial problem of late presentation of the Appropriation Bill by successive Presidents to the National Assembly; a laxity that has caused delay in the passage of the Appropriation Acts. The paper argues that since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, successive Presidents have failed to meet the best practice of presenting the budget to the National Assembly 2-4 months before the commencement of the next fiscal year. This development is attributed to Section 81(1) of the 1999 Constitution which provides the timeframe for presentation of budget estimates to the National Assembly without timeline. These delays frequently cause reversionary budget provision and denies the people dividends of democracy. To ensure timeliness in the passage of the Appropriation Acts, Sections 81(1) and 82 of the 1999 Constitution and the FRA 2007 require amendment. A budget law such as the US Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act, 1974, ought to be enacted.
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The National Assembly and the Budget Process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Tackling the Challenges of Timeliness
Canadian Social Science, 2016Co-Authors: Albert T. Sam-tsokwa, Christopher Ochanja NgaraAbstract:This paper examines the National Assembly and the budget process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with a view to tackling the perennial problem of late presentation of the Appropriation Bill by successive Presidents to the National Assembly; a laxity that has caused delay in the passage of the Appropriation Acts. The paper argues that since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, successive Presidents have failed to meet the best practice of presenting the budget to the National Assembly 2-4 months before the commencement of the next fiscal year. This development is attributed to Section 81(1) of the 1999 Constitution which provides the timeframe for presentation of budget estimates to the National Assembly without timeline. These delays frequently cause reversionary budget provision and denies the people dividends of democracy. To ensure timeliness in the passage of the Appropriation Acts, Sections 81(1) and 82 of the 1999 Constitution and the FRA 2007 require amendment. A budget law such as the US Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act, 1974, ought to be enacted.
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The Nigeria’s National Assembly and Inter-Parliamentary Diplomacy: An Assessment of the Fourth and Fifth National Assembly
2016Co-Authors: Christopher Ochanja NgaraAbstract:This paper examines the role of the fourth and fifth Nigerian National Assembly in inter-parliamentary diplomacy. Using historical method, the paper established that the re-entry of the National Assembly into the global parliamentary circle following Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 was critical in the realization of certain foreign policy objectives. These include: the restoration of Nigeria’s image; improved confidence in Nigeria’s democracy; enhanced bargaining power in the campaign for external debt relief; influenced the domestication of important interNational treaties; and engendered the National Assembly to support laudable sub-regional peace initiatives. The paper concludes that the Nigeria’s National Assembly must further strengthen its participation in inter-parliamentary assemblies so that Nigeria can maximize benefits from her foreign policy commitments.
Mark Tewdwr-jones - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Planning and the National Assembly for Wales: Generating Distinctiveness and Inclusiveness in a New Political Context
European Planning Studies, 2001Co-Authors: Mark Tewdwr-jonesAbstract:The creation of the National Assembly for Wales in May 1999 was part of a series of constitutional reforms in the UK initiated by the Labour Government after 1997. The Assembly, that has been awarded policy-making powers only, is still in its infancy, and any assessment of the perceived success of the new forum would be premature. Nevertheless, there are signs emerging that could give rise to the view that the Assembly will carve out a degree of distinctiveness in its approach to governance and substantive policy areas compared to that operating in England generally, and to the land use planning system in particular. This review paper charts the birth of the National Assembly for Wales, outlines its responsibilities and functions in relation to planning, and assesses what has happened 'on the ground' in its first 18 months. Overall, the paper portrays politicians and officials in the new governance framework searching for distinctiveness, inclusiveness and policy ownership; the task is to offer something ...
Richard Wyn Jones - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales
The Journal of Legislative Studies, 2015Co-Authors: Roger Scully, Richard Wyn JonesAbstract:This article examines the public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales. Both the Assembly and the broader system of devolved government for Wales initially enjoyed very limited public support. It is shown that support for devolution in general has risen substantially, while some elements of public attitudes towards the Assembly itself now appear distinctly positive. However, it is also demonstrated that public legitimacy, defined as ‘diffuse support’ for the Assembly, remains limited. The article then examines what factors explain levels of diffuse support for the National Assembly. It is found that variation in such support is best accounted for by factors associated with ‘non-material consequentialism’: perceptions of the impact of the Assembly on the process of government. The conclusion assesses the implications of the findings for the National Assembly, as well as for the study of devolution and political institutions more generally.
Roger Scully - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales
The Journal of Legislative Studies, 2015Co-Authors: Roger Scully, Richard Wyn JonesAbstract:This article examines the public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales. Both the Assembly and the broader system of devolved government for Wales initially enjoyed very limited public support. It is shown that support for devolution in general has risen substantially, while some elements of public attitudes towards the Assembly itself now appear distinctly positive. However, it is also demonstrated that public legitimacy, defined as ‘diffuse support’ for the Assembly, remains limited. The article then examines what factors explain levels of diffuse support for the National Assembly. It is found that variation in such support is best accounted for by factors associated with ‘non-material consequentialism’: perceptions of the impact of the Assembly on the process of government. The conclusion assesses the implications of the findings for the National Assembly, as well as for the study of devolution and political institutions more generally.
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Explaining the ‘quiet earthquake’: voting behaviour in the first election to the National Assembly for Wales
Electoral Studies, 2003Co-Authors: Dafydd Trystan, Roger Scully, R Wyn JonesAbstract:This paper examines voting behaviour in the inaugural election to the National Assembly for Wales (NAW), held in May 1999. We address two questions: (i) why did the election produce a ‘quiet earthquake’ in Welsh electoral politics, with the Nationalist Plaid Cymru denying the Labour party their expected majority in the Assembly?; and (ii) what broader lessons does this case-study offer for the study of elections in the UK under devolution? Drawing on data from the Welsh National Assembly Election Study, we find that while some features of second-order election theories, such as lower turnout and a lower vote share for the governing party were manifest, contrary to the predictions of such theories the surge in electoral support for Plaid was largely prompted by Welsh-specific factors rather than UK-wide ones. The findings are argued to indicate limits to the applicability of second-order approaches to the study of devolved elections in the UK.
