One-Party State

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Philippe Bourrinet - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Miles Larmer - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia
    2011
    Co-Authors: Miles Larmer
    Abstract:

    Contents: Introduction Becoming Zambia - UNIP and the transition to independence in Northern Rhodesia, 1952-1964 UNIP rule and division in Zambia's first republic, 1964-1973 Disunity under the One-Party State, 1973-1979 The Mushala rebellion Intellectual elites and the 1980 coup attempt 'We have to think for other people': Zambia and South Africa The State, civil society and social Movements: Church and Labour in post-colonial Zambia Epilogue: after UNIP: political change and continuity in Zambia's 3rd Republic, 1991-2010 Conclusion: towards a history of post-colonial politics in Africa Bibliography Index.

  • Enemies Within? Opposition To The Zambian One-Party State, 1972–1980
    One Zambia Many Histories, 2008
    Co-Authors: Miles Larmer
    Abstract:

    This chapter explores the trajectories of leaders, members and sympathisers of the United Progressive Party (UPP), following its breakaway from the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP) in August 1971, its banning in February 1972 and the subsequent declaration of the UNIP One-Party State. It also explores the changing political perspectives of Kapwepwe, primarily through interviews with many of his leading supporters in the UPP. In demonstrating the range of political ideas and tactics adopted by the opponents of UNIP, the chapter aims to illustrate major themes informing political contestation and debate in post-colonial Zambia. In seeking to contribute to the construction of a unified Zambian nation, the post-colonial historical project glossed over the grossly uneven nature of Zambia's liberation struggle. This unevenness left a profound legacy for political conflict that is only now being fully comprehended. Keywords: political contestation; United National Independence Party (UNIP); United Progressive Party (UPP); Zambian One-Party State

  • The Origins, Context and Political Significance of the Mushala Rebellion against the Zambian One-Party State
    International Journal of African Historical Studies, 2007
    Co-Authors: Miles Larmer, Giacomo Macola
    Abstract:

    The article focuses on the origins, context, and political significance of Adamson Mushala's rebellion against the Zambian One-Party State. While making no substantial military gains, Mushala succeeded in destabilizing the North-Western Province, the site of his insurgency, and creating an atmosphere of fear and paranoia among local and national leaders of the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP). The Zambian postcolonial State was threatened by the enduring relevance of such allegiances. Mushala capitalized on the strength of local systems of ethnic affiliation, following in the footsteps of chieftain authorities, who had expressed their rejection of UNIP's national project by leading their people across the barely visible colonial borders separating an enduring Lunda polity

  • Unrealistic Expectations? Zambia's Mineworkers from Independence to the One‐Party State, 1964–1972
    Journal of Historical Sociology, 2005
    Co-Authors: Miles Larmer
    Abstract:

    Abstract  Political scientists have neglected the extent of opposition and resistance to the policies of African States amongst civil society organisations in the immediate post-colonial period. Unionised Zambian mineworkers expected Independence to bring about a transformation in their work and living conditions, a demand that brought them into conflict with the new Zambian Government and its dependency on mine revenue. Government attempts to control the behaviour of mineworkers through legislation and the union bureaucracy proved unsuccessful, and popular grassroots challenges to the union leadership, and the Government itself, were only ended by State suppression, and the establishment of a One-Party State.

James R. Scarritt - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91
    British Journal of Political Science, 1996
    Co-Authors: James R. Scarritt
    Abstract:

    The introduction of a ‘One-Party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further changes which affected these political variables in varying degrees occurred during the life of the One-Party system, which lasted until 1991, but much less has been written about these changes, at least in part because they have been assumed to be insignificant. This Note describes the collection of a systematic events dataset on changes in electoral and political party participation (including changes in policies towards participation and changes in party structures affecting participation), regime structure (including party–government relations, central government structure and central–local government relations), and policies affecting the economy, class structure and culture in Zambia from 1973 through 1985. It then describes the use of expert judges to scale events in the dataset and evaluate their cumulative significance for dimensions of change delineated by the investigator or themselves. Finally, it presents one substantive application of this methodology: specification of the overall directions and extent of change in electoral and party participation under the One-Party system. Two contradictory directions of change not so far identified in the literature on the Zambian One-Party State are uncovered. It is suggested that changes in the One-Party State helped to undermine its support, even among some of those Zambians who initially believed in it.

  • Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91
    British Journal of Political Science, 1996
    Co-Authors: James R. Scarritt
    Abstract:

    the cultural, economic and political dimensions that explain variations in secessionist support. The Nadeau and Fleury multivariate analysis suggests that in the Quebec case, cultural fear in the union, and economic confidence in secession, increase in about the same way as the likelihood that one will support the secession.62 The political dimension, that is, the regional group's political power and status, becomes particularly salient when it is connected with symbolic issues; at least, this is what the Quebec case suggests. At the end of the 1980s, secessionist support was boosted by a feeling of rejection that appeared strongly and suddenly, when part of the rest of the country refused to enshrine in the Constitution the recognition of Quebec as a 'distinct society'. This exemplifies the importance of symbols. Constitutional negotiations may become symbolic politics, an emotionally intense re-evaluation of collective identity which goes 'beyond disputing the merits of specific constitutional proposals'.63 Abstractions like 'distinct society' can easily set one population against another by presenting simple symbols and leaving little room for compromise. In order to encourage the members of a regional group to consider with confidence instead of fear their political future within the union, a central government can offer constitutional reform. At least this is what Spain, Belgium and Canada tried. An illustration of the effect that successful constitutional negotiations may have on a secessionist menace is the referendum on regional autonomy that was held in Spain in 1979. Negotiations leading up to the referendum stimulated support for independence in the Basque country as well as in Catalonia. But once the referendum on autonomy was accepted, support for independence experienced a sharp drop in both regions.64 The difference in Canada is that there was no agreement. Support for secession remained suspended near the peak it attained during the constitutional dispute, before starting to decline as the feeling of rejection receded into memory. The fact that, in Quebec, the catalyst came from a sense of rejection is highly significant from a methodological point of view. This factor points to the importance of a non-dogmatic rationalist approach. Individuals do assess reasons to fear or not to fear the union and to have confidence or not to have confidence in the secession, but beyond this, fear and confidence remain feelings likely to be affected by emotions and by symbolic politics.

M Afkir - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Sierra Leone and the Curse of the One-Party State: Contested Ideas of the Post-Colonial State 1965-1973
    Journal of History and Diplomatic Studies, 2012
    Co-Authors: M Afkir
    Abstract:

    This article analyses the contestation among Sierra Leone’s leading politicians, in government and in opposition, over the form of the post-colonial State, with an explanation of their motives behind the move to a single party regime. Regarded for long as a model British colony, Sierra Leone was a promising case, expected to succeed in building a western type democracy. However, it turned to be an example of failed State after its experience with a one party State. Two Sierra Leonean leading politicians, Albert Margai and Siaka Probyn Stevens, had been remarkable nationalist figures since the 1940’s struggling side by side against the coloniser. However, with the coming of independence that friendship turned quickly into fierce enmity where personal animosities and ambitions turned the political arena into a tense atmosphere characterised by doubts and political crisis. Surprisingly, their enmity was responsible for creating the Sierra Leone version of the one party regime. Both leaders held ambivalent attitudes defending the project when in power but fiercely objecting to it when out.

Giacomo Macola - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Epilogue: Nkumbula’s Last Initiatives and Legacy
    Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 2020
    Co-Authors: Giacomo Macola
    Abstract:

    ?he UNIP One-Party State lasted for almost twenty years. Zambia’s eventual return to multipartyism in 1990–1991, one of sub-Saharan Africa’s first democratic transitions, attracted worldwide attention and has spawned a considerable literature. While primarily devoted to examining Nkumbula’s last years, this epilogue also wants to argue that to view the triumph of the Zambian Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) solely as the product of the 1980s economic crisis and ensuing contraction of State patronage is to ignore the long history of opposition politics that had predated and, indeed, outlived the inception of the One-Party State.1 Similarly, to stress the hijacking of the original MMD project by a reactionary coalition of businessmen, right-wing trade unionists and recycled UNIP politicians who had recently been excluded, or were facing the prospect of exclusion, from dominant patronage networks,2 or the similarities that quickly came to the fore between Kaunda’s and his successor Frederick Chiluba’s leadership styles,3 should not lead one to lose sight of the MMD’s distant, historica? origins. This epilogue, then, focuses on the activities of Nkumbula and his core constituents during the Second Republic with a view to presenting a less cynical appraisal of Zambian democratization than is currently the case in the specialist literature.

  • “The Last Battle I Will Ever Fight”: Nkumbula and the Drive toward the One-Party State
    Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 2020
    Co-Authors: Giacomo Macola
    Abstract:

    ?n contrast to the previous chapter, which has revolved around the analysis of the ANC’s and its key constituents‘ postindependence ideological choices, the present chapter adopts a more explicitly chronological perspective with a view to surveying the complex events that enabled Nkumbula to emerge from the enfeebled position in which he had found himself in the mid-1960s and to finally threaten the continuing dominance of the Kaunda regime in alliance with other, more recent oppositional forces. It is only when the full extent of the challenge faced by UNIP is realized that it becomes possible to account for the inception of the Zambian One-Party State, a radical institutional transformation against which Nkumbula fought the last major battle of his long political career.

  • Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa: A Biography of Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula
    2020
    Co-Authors: Giacomo Macola
    Abstract:

    Introduction: Historical Biography and Rival African Nationalisms Imagining the Nation: Methodism, History and Politics in Nkumbula's Early Years 'The Father of Zambian Politics' between Padmore and Maala The Explosion of Contradictions Nkumbula, UNIP and the Roots of Authoritarianism in Nationalist Zambia Resisting UNIP: Liberal Democracy and Ethnic Politics in Zambia's First Republic 'The Last Battle I Will Ever Fight': Nkumbula and the Drive towards the One-Party State Epilogue: Nkumbula's Last Initiatives and Legacy

  • The Origins, Context and Political Significance of the Mushala Rebellion against the Zambian One-Party State
    International Journal of African Historical Studies, 2007
    Co-Authors: Miles Larmer, Giacomo Macola
    Abstract:

    The article focuses on the origins, context, and political significance of Adamson Mushala's rebellion against the Zambian One-Party State. While making no substantial military gains, Mushala succeeded in destabilizing the North-Western Province, the site of his insurgency, and creating an atmosphere of fear and paranoia among local and national leaders of the ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP). The Zambian postcolonial State was threatened by the enduring relevance of such allegiances. Mushala capitalized on the strength of local systems of ethnic affiliation, following in the footsteps of chieftain authorities, who had expressed their rejection of UNIP's national project by leading their people across the barely visible colonial borders separating an enduring Lunda polity

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